Studies
& Reports:
US Buries WHO Cocaine Report
In the early 90s, the UN World Health Organization
(WHO) and United Nations Inter-regional Crime and Justice Research
Institute (UNICRI) completed the largest study ever undertaken
on the use of coca and cocaine. The WHO/UNICRI briefing kit,
released in 1995, had this to say: "Health problems from
the use of legal substances, particularly alcohol and tobacco,
are greater than health problems from cocaine use. Few experts
describe cocaine as invariably harmful to health."
Unfortunately (and predictably), under
pressure from the United States, it was never published, when
it became clear its findings were in direct conflict with the
myths, stereotypes and propaganda that prop up the war on drugs.
At the 48th World Health Assembly, just two months later, the
US representative to WHO had this to say: "The United States
Government had been surprised to note that the package seemed
to make a case for the positive uses of cocaine, claiming that
use of the coca leaf did not lead to noticeable damage to mental
or physical health, that the positive health effects of coca
leaf chewing might be transferable from traditional settings
to other countries and cultures, and that coca production provided
financial benefits to peasants..."
He then threatened to withdraw US funding
for WHO research projects unless they would dissociate itself
from the conclusions of the study.
It's easy to see why the US would be so
opposed to the study being published as it not only challenges
a number of myths and stereotypes about cocaine use, but it is
highly critical of a number of US-backed policies. The report
specifically highlights the criticism that supply reduction and
enforcement policies are not working and that alternatives needs
to be explored.
The studies identified "strict limitations
to drug control policies which rely almost exclusively on repressive
measures. Current national and local approaches which over-emphasize
punitive drug control measures may actually contribute to the
development of heath-related problems. An increase in the adoption
of more humane, compassionate responses such as education, treatment
and rehabilitation programs is seen as a desirable counterbalance
to the overreliance on law enforcement measures."
The study also points out that 'anti-drug'
campaigns in general are not necessarily effective, especially
when they are not rooted in fact.
The report was never officially published
and according to the WHO it does not exist, however some of the
project advisors are currently pushing for it to be formally
published. It has only emerged into the public domain because
the relevant documents were leaked and found their way into the
hands of the Transnational Institute drugs and democracy program.
The suppression of this detailed, authoritative
and independent report is yet more evidence of how certain governments,
most conspicuously the US, have willfully refused to develop
rational drug policy based on science and evidence -- and worse,
when evidence emerges that challenges their political prerogatives
they will resort to bullying, threats and censorship to ensure
it is suppressed. This is anti-science drug war posturing of
the worst kind, and can only lead to poor policy and increased
human costs as a result.
Find the WHO Cocaine Project Briefing
Kit and associated documents at: www.tni.org/detail_page.phtml?page=drugscoca-docs_coca#who
Source: Transform Drug Policy Foundation
UK at www.tdpf.org.uk
Drug Decrim Resounding Success in Portugal
On July 1, 2001, a nationwide law in Portugal
took effect that decriminalized all drugs, including cocaine
and heroin. Under the new legal framework, all drugs were "decriminalized,"
not "legalized." Thus, drug possession for personal
use and drug usage itself are still legally prohibited, but violations
of those prohibitions are deemed to be exclusively administrative
violations and are removed completely from the criminal realm.
Drug trafficking continues to be prosecuted as a criminal offense.
The political consensus in favor of decriminalization
is unsurprising in light of the relevant empirical data. Those
data indicate that decriminalization has had no adverse effect
on drug usage rates in Portugal, which, in numerous categories,
are now among the lowest in the EU, particularly when compared
with states with stringent criminalization regimes. Although
postdecriminalization usage rates have remained roughly the same
or even decreased slightly when compared with other EU states,
drug-related pathologies -- such as sexually transmitted diseases
and deaths due to drug usage -- have decreased dramatically.
Drug policy experts attribute those positive trends to the enhanced
ability of the Portuguese government to offer treatment programs
to its citizens -- enhancements made possible, for numerous reasons,
by decriminalization.
Notably, decriminalization has become increasingly
popular in Portugal since 2001. Except for some far-right politicians,
very few domestic political factions are agitating for a repeal
of the 2001 law. And while there is a widespread perception that
bureaucratic changes need to be made to Portugal's decriminalization
framework to make it more efficient and effective, there is no
real debate about whether drugs should once again be criminalized.
More significantly, none of the nightmare scenarios touted by
preenactment decriminalization opponents -- from rampant increases
in drug usage among the young to the transformation of Lisbon
into a haven for "drug tourists" -- has occurred.
The data show that, judged by virtually
every metric, the Portuguese decriminalization framework has
been a resounding success. Within this success lie self-evident
lessons that should guide drug policy debates around the world.
Edited for space from constitutional
lawyer Glenn Greewald's April 2, 2009 White Paper, Drug Decriminalization
in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies,
available in full at www.cato.org
1 in 11 U.S. Prisoners Serving Life Sentences
A new report released by The Sentencing
Project in July finds a record 140,610 individuals are now serving
life sentences in state and federal prisons, 6,807 of whom were
juveniles at the time of the crime. In addition, 29% of persons
serving a life sentence (41,095) have no possibility of parole,
and 1,755 were juveniles at the time of the crime. No Exit: The
Expanding Use of Life Sentences in America represents the first
nationwide collection of life sentence data documenting race,
ethnicity and gender. The report's findings reveal overwhelming
racial and ethnic disparities in the allocation of life sentences:
66% of all persons sentenced to life are non-white, and 77% of
juveniles serving life sentences are non-white.
According to the report, the dramatic growth
in life sentences is not primarily a result of higher crime rates,
but of policy changes that have imposed harsher punishments and
restricted parole consideration.
The authors of the report state that persons
serving life sentences "include those who present a serious
threat to public safety, but also include those for whom the
length of sentence is questionable."
The Sentencing Project calls for the elimination
of sentences of life without parole, and restoring discretion
to parole boards to determine suitability for release. The report
also recommends that individuals serving parole-eligible life
sentences be properly prepared for reentry back into the community.
The full report is available at www.sentencingproject.org
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